The text of David Harvey’s lecture to the ASA from earlier this month is here
A lot of it will be familiar to anyone who’s heard him speak on this topic recently, but this is the first time I’ve seen it written in this form.
The text of David Harvey’s lecture to the ASA from earlier this month is here
A lot of it will be familiar to anyone who’s heard him speak on this topic recently, but this is the first time I’ve seen it written in this form.
Paul Ennis links to his review of Lee Braver’s Heidegger’s Later Writings here. You can find the official site for the book here. I’d not paid much attention to this when it came out – partly due to not having Heidegger as a focus of my work since around 2005, and partly because there can be a bit of an overkill of guidebooks, companions, etc. – but Ennis is positive and it looks worth some attention.
While looking for something else, I came across this interview with Quentin Skinner. It’s a remarkably open and at times self-critical assessment of his trajectory and how he does the kind of work he does. While eight years old, it’s well worth a read.
In the end it took England only about an hour and a half to wrap things up. A huge margin of victory, which at lunch on Friday seemed inconceivable. But it was a strange thing to watch, and distinctly underwhelming, which after the two terrific days that came before is a terrible shame.
In common with a lot of the cricket commentators on BBC and Sky I’m feeling really angry about this. If I had to choose only one sport to follow it would be easily be cricket, and of that Test match cricket is for me by far the best form. It’s the only sport I go out of my way to try to watch. The way it has been spoiled by these events is desperate. Naturally, all the accused players are innocent until these charges are proved, but even the accusations are hugely disappointing. The only way to ‘fix’ cricket has to be permanent bans for anyone found guilty of such infringements – no second chances, no temporary bans, no reprieves.
Two days of extraordinary test cricket – in which England looked completely out of it, turned things around with a record-breaking partnership, then crushed Pakistan yesterday – overshadowed by an illegal betting scam. No one is alleging that the progress or likely result of the game has been affected, but rather very small details. The no-balls bowled by Pakistan have been unusual – over-stepping by some distance, instead of the usual fractional infringement – so in a sense it’s unsurprising that questions are being asked. Pakistan’s new ball pairing of Asif and Amir were the best thing about their team, and it will be devastating for Pakistani cricket if this does turn out to be proven. After the ball-tampering incident in 2006, the World Cup death of coach Bob Woolmer, and the inability to stage home games given security concerns, this is a bleak time. The floods in Pakistan have received a lot of attention in the context of the cricket, with the team donating match fees to the aid effort, and their performance in the third test seemed to show they were able to deliver on the field, despite all this. Where this leaves the cricket team now is anyone’s guess. In ninety minutes time they are supposed to come onto the field to try to rescue the game.
A new, and very good book, due out in November – Territory, Globalization and International Relations: The Cartographic Reality of Space, by Jeppe Strandsbjerg of the Copenhagen Business School.
I’ve just finished reading the manuscript to write a publicity blurb for the backcover.
David Harvey interviewed on BBC’s Hardtalk programme here.
If the title of this post makes no sense, that’s not by chance. I’ve been spending the day tracking down some of Leibniz’s works, finding as many references as I can, and making a list of things to check at various libraries (the cricket provided an excellent background).
In the Political Writings collection, edited by Patrick Riley, on pp. 114-5, Leibniz is discussing the notion of “territorial hegemony, or the right of territory”. He notes that this is developed by German jurists, “but the Italians preceded them [in this], and one remembers the dictum of Baldus, who used to say that hegemony inhered in a territory as the mist to a swamp”.
The editor’s note reads “P. Baldus, Super Feudis, ch. ‘De Allodis’, 7″.
Several things come from checking this to the original Latin text. The first is that the Germans called it ‘Superioritatem territorialem, vel sublime territorii jus”. Now this should surely be rendered in English as ‘territorial superiority’ or ‘supremacy’. It is not ‘hegemony’, which is a Greek root word, for one thing, but more importantly, hegemony implies some kind of overall, absolute power, which this kind of power is not. For Leibniz, territorial right/supremacy/superiority, while important, is limited, first by being contained within a geographical area; and second because he is looking at the relations between the territorial princes of the Empire and the Emperor. The Emperor has majesty, and his kind of power is closer to what is today meant by ‘hegemony’. Later Leibniz explains that what he means by superiority, is close to what the French describe as souveraineté.
The second thing to note is that the Akademie edition has a longer footnote. Riley has omitted much of the detail that follows the citation, but also crucially a part of the author’s name. The German editor note reads “P. Baldus de Ubaldis…” Now, Baldus de Ubaldis was a 14th century Italian jurist, but how are contemporary readers are supposed to know who he is from Riley’s note? On reading this now I knew immediately, since the mist from a swamp line is clearly Baldus, who I’ve written a section on for another chapter. But when I read this back in 2003 I had no idea. The ‘P.’ is erroneous, in any case, since Baldus had a brother called Petrus, with whom he is sometimes confused.
Two additional things. The German jurists would have discussed the term as Landeshoheit, which resists straightforward translation. But it is important to recognise that this is what Leibniz means. And Riley seems to omit ‘sublime’ from his translation. Sublime means high or elevated. So, what the Germans called ‘Superioritatem territorialem, vel sublime territorii jus”, is ‘territorial superiority [i.e. a Latin rendering of Landeshoheit] or high territorial right’. Why is sublime important? Because it gives a clue to who Leibniz means by the German jurists.
Second example. On p. 115, discussing the rights of princes in the Empire, the counts and the free cities. Leibniz suggests that “recently, especially by the monastic peace, the question seems to have been settled”. What’s the monastic peace? Well, the Latin text reads ‘sed novissime, Pace imprimis Monasteriensi, definitia quaestio videtur’, which actually means ‘but recently, since the Peace of Münster, the question seems to have been settled’. Now the Peace of Münster was of course, part of the Westphalia settlement of 1648. That, of course, makes a lot more sense. The footnote in both Political Writings and the Akademie text says ‘Instrumentum Pacis Caesareo-Gallicum, sec. 65, Mainz, 1648’. I’m really not sure what Mainz is doing there.
Now the strange thing is that in several other instances in Political Writings, the Peace of Münster is mentioned. But those are translations from the French (la paix de Munster), whereas the text I’m discussing was translated from Latin. Indeed, in the ‘Preface to the Second Edition’ Riley notes that he made use of John Gleason’s draft translation of this text.
One final note. Das Münster in modern German means cathedral or minster, as well as being the name of a town. In one of his early lecture courses (Gesamtausgabe 56/57), Heidegger is discussing spatial orientation. Now the passage should read something like “I come to Freiburg for the first time on a walking tour and, on entering the town, ask, ‘which is the quickest way to the cathedral?’” The English translation asks about the way to Münster, which for a walking tour is pretty lost – Münster is 500 km away! There have been a few times today when I’ve felt in a similar position.
That’s the not terribly helpful note in the British Library catalogue for the 1864 Klopp edition of Leibniz’s Werke. Back when the British Library used to be in the British Museum, there was a catalogue entry for books that had been destroyed by bombing in the Second World War. Maybe this is the reason. According to Riley (Leibniz, Political Writings, p. 241) this is “the best edition of his historical and political writings”, though Riley wrote that before some of the Sämliche Schriften und Briefe division that deals with his political writings were published. The full title of the Klopp edition says it is based on his handwritten Nachlass from the Hanover library. I can’t find another library in London that has it.
Now finding the Sämliche Schriften und Briefe is easier (there is also a version online), but locating a reference made to the Klopp edition within it isn’t going to be straight-forward. The relevant division of Sämliche Schriften und Briefe has six volumes published so far, with a draft of the seventh online. But those only take us up to 1699, so Leibniz had another seventeen years of life left. The published volumes have between 700 and 1000 pages each. And this is only one aspect of his work – the philosophical, mathematical, historical and scientific writings are in separate divisions, along with three divisions of correspondence.
Another challenge: Leibniz wrote a dialogue about the position of territorial rulers within the Empire in 1677, entitled Entrétiens de Philarete et d’Eugène. Maria Roza Antognazza’s recent book, Leibniz: An Intellectual Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009) notes that the dialogue went through sixteen different editions “each successively adapted to constantly changing political conditions” (p. 206).